Why the power of Hong Kong’s chief executives is waning

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Why the power of Hong Kong’s chief executives is waning
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There are normally several candidates—but this time John Lee is the only name on the ballot

Before the handover Britain and China agreed that Hong Kong’s leader should eventually be chosen by universal suffrage. This has. Instead each has been selected by electoral colleges meant to be “broadly representative” of the population. These have increased in size from 400 in 1996 to 1,500 this year. The group has always been carefully weighted in favour of pro-establishment figures, who are expected to vote in line with the party’s wishes.

” the territory of 7.4m mostly handled day-to-day affairs by itself. Article 22 of Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, forbids interference by mainland entities. Their representatives were confined to the office of China’s foreign ministry and to the Liaison Office, the central government’s outpost in the city. The central government has always exerted influence, out of public view. Since the protests in 2019, its power has grown and become.

It has always been in China’s interests to give Hong Kong the semblance of autonomy: foreign businesses need to have confidence in the territory’s financial and legal systems. But in China’s provinces and major cities, the party secretary wields the real power—governors and mayors are secondary. So it is now in Hong Kong. Once, the Liaison Office was barely heard. Now it proclaims itself exempt from Article 22. China no longer worries so much about being seen to meddle.

. Mr Lee’s tenure will probably be more stable than that of his predecessors. But it will be much more obvious who is pulling his strings.

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