The relationship between the United Kingdom's constituent countries needs to be settled. Without a stable constitution, in what forum can this take place?
in June or July roughly 124,000 people in Britain can expect to receive a ballot paper in the post. It will offer them the names of two Conservatives. The one they select will, shortly thereafter, enter 10 Downing Street as prime minister. The rest of Britain’s 66m inhabitants will have no say whatsoever.
Peter Hennessy, a British historian who sits in the Lords without party affiliation, argues that law, precedent and procedure provide a constitution which is as much a “state of mind” as anything else. For decades, the men who dominated Britain’s ruling class felt they knew what was in and out of bounds in politics just as they did in cricket.
When David Cameron took office in 2010 he kept up the pace. But whereas most of Mr Blair’s reforms had the legitimacy that comes from being outlined in a manifesto, Mr Cameron’s did not. They were for the most part stop-gaps to convince the Liberal Democrats to enter a coalition with Mr Cameron’s Conservatives.
Mr Blair’s government also used Europe to provide constitutional protections. Should Britain leave the, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which allows judges to poke their noses into any legislation that touchescompetencies, will no longer apply.
The decision to resort to a referendum that produced a result capable of many interpretations cannot take the whole blame for the current chaos. After all, both the Tories and Labour vowed to honour the people’s revealed will in the general election of 2017 and between them they took 82% of the vote. Some of the subsequent mess rests on the back of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act of 2011.
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